Although the National Intelligence Estimate (NIE)
report on Iran,
made public this week, is already an old story, the reasons for its public
disclosure remain to be discussed and understood. The report: stated “…that in fall 2003,
Tehran halted its nuclear weapons program” and “that Tehran at a minimum is
keeping open the option to develop nuclear weapons” in the future.
For a clear understanding of the report the two
interwoven arguments in the assessment, with different implications, must be
dissected and separately analyzed: 1) that Iran has not engaged in procurement
or production of parts and materials necessary for the building of a nuclear
device of any sort, and 2) that Iran had a nuclear weapons program before 2003
and it may decide to restart such a program in the future. Between the two aspects of the report, the
former is essential and the latter mainly involves future speculations,
and the period before 2003 for which there is no proven
documentation provided by the NIE that Iran had a nuclear weapons
The former implication contradicts the claims by the U.S. government since 2003 that Iran has been
using its right to civilian nuclear energy as a cover for its real intentions,
that is, the production of a nuclear bomb.
As far as this clear dichotomy is concerned, the U.S. government
has willfully abused its position in the United Nations Security Council, and
hence the Resolutions 1737 and 1747, based on falsified information, lack
credibility and in fact are illegal. To
redress the injustices committed against Iran, the United Nations must
declare the sanctions, invalid and null.
Before opening the discourse about the underlying
causes of the release now of the report, it is important to point out that it
reflects the consensus of almost the entire U.S. ruling class, regardless of
President Bush’s emphasis on his old redundant claim that the report shows that
Iran has had a nuclear program before 2003 and it may keep the option open for
the future. Furthermore, the disclosure
of the report dismayed some foreign governments that have been involved in the
US-Iran nuclear dispute. The U.S. intelligence estimate was characterized as
“unfathomable” by the European diplomats who just two days earlier were
involved in a strenuous effort to persuade the Russian and Chinese
representatives in the United Nations’ Security Council to agree to a draft of
yet another UN resolution requiring much tougher sanctions against Iran.
To what extent the British, French and German
diplomats were unaware of the U.S. (NIE) findings prior to Dec. 2, 2007,
remains to be seen. This question will be among the topics for research by
current and future historians. What is
crystal clear is that it took four drawn out toxic years for the U.S.
government and its European allies to realize that the endless stream of lies
and cover-ups by the Bush Administration, mouth-pieced by the conservative
majority in the U.S. Congress and attuned by the puppet Zionist regime in
Israel, about Iran’s alleged nuclear threat to the international safety and
security of the world will in the long run work against the strategic interests
of the U.S. empire. In fact, this policy
of unilateralism has worked in favor of the establishment of a global regime of
multilateralism, an international structure whose formation the U.S.
“Superpower” has tried so desperately to prevent.
For quite a long time, more likely since the
ascendance of Dr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, President of the Islamic Republic of
Iran to power, many developments in Iran,
the Middle East and around the world were clearly indicating that the U.S.-U.K.
policies of intimidation, threat and open bellicosity, resting on a mountain of
lies have gone against U.S. But the White
House, with the tacit agreements of the pro-Israeli Democrats and neo-con
Republicans who were completely consumed by their mental deception and self
delusion, emboldened by a subservient mass media, chose the course of ever
higher tension and conflict, which was dubbed as the “war on terror”.
Among the factors that have influenced the U.S.
decision to reveal the intelligence assessment were the unshakable unity of the
Iranian people in their support for Iran’s right to a peaceful nuclear energy
program and the uranium enrichment process, the perseverance of President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and his resistance not only to the American dictates but
also to the selfish demand of the pro-U.S. Iranians who wanted the Islamic
government to retreat and give in to the U.S. pressures.
Iran’s expanded economic, political, diplomatic and
defense relations with Latin American countries as Venezuela, Cuba, Peru,
Bolivia, and Nicaragua, and in Asia strong ties with Russia, China and the
Caspian Sea states and in the Middle East with the peoples of Iraq,
Afghanistan, Syria, Lebanon and Palestine were not small factors in reshaping
the current formulation of U.S policy towards Iran.
To demonstrate the steep rise in foreign investment
mostly in oil, gas and materials sectors, one must point out that such investments
hit a record $10.2 billion in the Iranian calendar year ending March 20, 2007
from $4.2 billion in 2005 and merely $2 million in 1994. The most active investors have been Germans,
Chinese, Turkish, British, Norwegian, French, Japa